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The United States Educational Structure



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Other pressures also operate at the university level. Most universities require mid-semester and final (end-of-semester) examinations. It is possible, as a great many students have learned, to "flunk out" of a university that is to be asked to leave because of poor grades. And most students who have scholarships must maintain a certain grade average to keep their scholarships.

 

Since tuition fees alone can be rather high (ranging from some $20,000 for an academic year at Harvard, Yale or Stanford to under $ 1,000 at small public institutions) at most colleges and universities, a large number of students hold jobs besides studying. These part-time jobs may be either "on campus" (in the dormitories, cafeterias, students services, in research, and in teaching and tutoring jobs) or "off campus" (with local firms and businesses, in offices, etc.). In this way, for example, more than half of all students at Stanford University earn a significant part of their college expenses during the school year. In addition, there are work-study programs at a number of universities, and financial assistance programs, which are provided by the states and the federal government. At Michigan State University, for instance, 50 percent of all students receive some form of financial aid through the university, and 85 percent of undergraduate students worked part-time on campus during the academic year 1991-92. At Harvard, 74 percent of beginning students ("freshmen") and 61 percent of continuing students received financial aid in the 1991 -92 academic year. The average award for the 66 percent of beginning students receiving aid at Stanford was $13,600 per year. Students who must work as well as study are the rule rather than the exception. Students also cannot simply move from one university to another, or trade places with other students. Before changing to another university, students must first have been accepted by the new university and have met that university's admission requirements.

 

The competition and pressures at many universities, especially at the higher, graduate levels, are not pleasant. Nor are they evident in the popular picture of campus life. However, this system has been highly successful in producing scholars who are consistently at the top or near the top of their fields internationally. One indication of this can be seen by looking at the textbooks or professional journals used and read in foreign universities and noting the authors, where they teach and where they were trained. Another indication, less precise perhaps, is the number of Americans who have won Nobel Prizes. Americans have won 168 Nobel Prizes in the science alone-physics, chemistry, and physiology or medicine - since the awards were first given in 1901. This represents over 40 percent of all recipients. The next closest country is Great Britain, with 69 Nobel Prizes. If most Americans are very critical of their educational system at the elementary and secondary school levels, many will also admit that their higher education system is "in many respects, the best in the world."

Reform and Progress

 

A major conflict has always existed between two goals of American education. One is the comprehensive, egalitarian education with the goal of providing equal opportunity. The other is the highly selective educational emphasis that aims at excellence and the training of academic and scientific elite. Some Americans feel that more money and efforts should be spent on improving comprehensive education. Others think that more money should be provided for increasing scientific knowledge and maintaining America's position in technology and research. And some people, of course, demand that more money be spent on both.

 

A series of studies in the 1980s criticised American public schools. As a result, better training and payment for teachers has been advocated and more stress has been placed on academic subjects. But striking a balance between a comprehensive, egalitarian education and one of specialisation and excellence has always been a difficult task, and is likely to remain so.

 

Schools and universities have also been asked to do more and more to help with, or even cure, certain social and economic problems, from the effects of divorce to drug problems, from learning disabilities to malnutrition. Most school systems not only have lunchrooms or cafeterias, they also offer to give free or low-cost meals, sometimes including breakfast, to needy pupils. They also employ psychologists, nurses, staff trained to teach the handicapped, reading specialists, and academic as well as guidance and employment counsellors. Because of their traditional ties with the communities, schools are expected to be involved in many such areas. There is a growing belief among some Americans that the public schools cannot really handle all such social problems, even if enough money were available where it is most needed.

Examining Schools

 

One of the major markers of education in America - and one that is often noted by observers abroad - is the degree of constant self-examination. In the U.S. today, when pupils and students are tested, so, in effect, are their teachers, the curricula, the schools and universities, and the entire set of systems.

 

Each year hundreds of research studies are published which critically examine the nation's schools. Most of the large school districts employ full-time educational researchers. Almost all of the universities have departments for educational research and measurement. And, of course, there are many public and private institutes, educational commissions, think tanks, foundations, and professional organisations, which publish their reports and studies and voice their opinions. Newspapers publicly report the test results of local schools each year. These are compared with those of other cities, states, or countries. How do our schools "measure up?" What are the weaknesses? What can be done? This evaluation process is constant and continuing across the country.

 

In certain periods this examination is more intense. When the Soviet Union launched its Sputnik satellite in 1957, a great debate across the United States started. Was America "falling behind" in science and technology and in "the space race?" How did American school children compare in mathematics and foreign languages? This led to a massive investment in science education as well as to a search for, and support of, gifted pupils. The Civil Rights movement, too, had a shock effect on American education, all the way from pre-school programs to post-doctoral studies. Billions of dollars were made available for special programs for the educationally disadvantaged, for bilingual education, and for seeing minority students better represented in higher education. In the 1980s and into the '90s, again, America was swept by a great public debate over the quality, content, and goals of education.

 

Summing up results is extremely difficult. There are, for instance, literally thousands of special programs and hundreds of experimental schools across the nation. Since 1968 alone, Native American tribes have established 24 colleges of their own, mostly two-year institutions. In 1991, a survey of programs offering literacy instruction to linguistic minority students had 600 different programs return a questionnaire. Of these programs, all but 10 had been started since 1980. School "choice" approaches - allowing parents more freedom in determining which public, or, in some cases, private schools their children can attend - have been started in many districts. And, as another example, many areas have started "magnet" schools. These offer special curricula, perhaps an emphasis on science, mathematics, or even dance, and attract, and motivate, students.

 

Given America’s history and that of its people, their many backgrounds, needs, and desires, the fact that American education is sensitive to its weaknesses (and aware of its strengths) speaks well for the future.

THE FACULTY OF MATHEMATICS

 

Numbers

 

It has been customary ever since Euclid’s time to present geometry in the form of an axiomatic system. Some other, different approaches to geometry have been developed by mo­dern mathematicians, but this axiomatic approach has conti­nued to be widely used and presented to beginners.

 

Our mathematics of numbers, however, has not traditionally been organized in axiomatic form. Arithmetic, school algebra, and such subjects as the differential and integral calculus (which go under the heading of analysis) have customarily been pre­sented as collections of rules of calculation, rather than in the form of axiomatized systems of laws.

 

This difference arises from the fact that our modern mathematics of numbers has its origins more in the mathematics of the Babylonians, Hindus, and Arabs than in that of the Greeks. The Greeks did treat some numerical problems, to be sure, but in doing so their method was to give geometrical interpretations to numbers; that is, when dealing with a problem about the comparative size of two numbers, they would treat it as a problem about the comparative lengths of two lines or the comparative areas of two figures.

 

But the Babylonians, Hindus, and Arabs (to whom we owe the word “algebra”) gradually developed sym­bols and rules of calculation that made it possible to deal with numerical problems more abstractly and more powerfully than could the Greeks. As was typical in Eastern mathematics, however, the Babylonians, Hindus, and Arabs did not much concern themselves with giving proofs, let alone with organizing their knowledge of numbers into axiomatic form.

 

Thus it happened that while geometry was being handed down1 through medieval and early modern times in the axiomatized form which Euclid had given it, the mathematics of number was passed along2 as a collection of comparatively unconnec­ted laws and rules of calculation. This situation is finally changing; one of the striking features of twentieth-century mathematics is its greatly increased use of the axiomatic approach in mathematical studies besides geometry.

 

From very early times, the development of the mathematics of number must have given rise to philosophical puzzlement. The whole numbers 1, 2, 3, etc. are not too disturbing, to be sure, for their legitimacy seems clear to us as we count the number of beasts in a herd or of kings in a dynasty. The fractions also are not too disturbing, for we can regard them clients of whole numbers, useful for comparing the sizes of fields or lengths of time.

 

But one can imagine that there have been difficulties when the Babylonians, wishing to express the result of subtracting a number from itself, introduced a symbol for zero, and eventually began to treat it just as through zero were one of the whole numbers. Zero seems like an emptiness, like nothing; how then can we legitimately refer to zero as though it were something, a genuine number? No doubt this uneasiness was gradually soothed 3 as people came to realize that zero is just for “counting”, the number of beasts in an empty field, or the number of kings during a republican era.

 

The introduction of symbols for negative numbers must have been a further source of difficulties, however; negative numbers seem somehow to be numbers that are not there, unreal ghosts of numbers – so is it legitimate to call them numbers? In modern times the introduction of symbols for imaginary numbers excited similar doubts. Even if we admit the legitimacy of talk about negative numbers, is it correct to speak of the square root of minus one as if it were a number? Wouldn't it be more honest just to say that minus one has no square root?

 

Philosophical puzzlement about the various kinds of numbers was much reduced4 thanks to the work of nineteenth century mathematicians who developed a unified theory of numbers. Their very important achievement consisted in showing how the mathematical theories concerning more sophisticated kinds of numbers can be “reduced to”, “constructed from”, a theory concerning only the basic kind of numbers. That is, they showed how each of the more sophisticated kinds of number, together with the operations (such as addition and multiplication) performable on numbers of that kind, can be defined in terms of the whole numbers and the operations performable upon them. They showed that this can be done in such a way that the laws which govern these more sophisticated kinds of numbers can then be deduced from the laws that govern the numbers.

 

This development is called the arithmetization analysis, because it is concerned with showing how those parts of mathematics that go under the heading of analysis, can be reduced to the elementary part of arithmetic (or elementary number theory, as it is called), when that is supplemented by certain notions that we shall mention.

 

This unified theory of numbers enables us to regard the various kinds of numbers as belonging to a single family, all springing from a single parent kind and all governed by laws that are strict deductive consequences of the laws governing that simple parent kind. If we accept this unified theory of numbers, we no longer need feel any special doubts about the more sophisticated kinds of number; any doubts that remain will be focused solely upon the numbers of the kind used in counting.

 

The numbers 0, 1, 2, 3, etc., will serve as our basic kind of numbers; they are called natural numbers (unfortunately that term has a slight ambiguity, for some writers include zero among the natural numbers while others do not but let us count it in). Now, our intuitive idea of the natural numbers is that they are all those numbers, each of which can be reached by starting from zero and adding one as often as necessary.

 

The Italian mathematician Peano was the first to organize the fundamental laws of these numbers in axiomatic form; his set of five axioms is notable. Let us consider these axioms so that we can feel more at home with the natural numbers before we go on to see how other kinds of number can be reduced to them. Expressed in words, Peano's axioms are:

 

1) Zero is a natural number.

2) The immediate successor5 of any natural number is a natural number.

3) Distinct natural numbers never have the same immediate successor.

4) Zero is not the immediate successor of any natural number.

5) If something holds true of zero, and if, whenever it holds true of a natural number, it also holds true of the imme­diate successor of that natural number, then it holds true of all natural numbers.

 

These axioms contain three undefined terms: “zero”, “ immediate successor”, and “natural number”. The axioms by themselves do not show us what these terms are supposed to mean (though they do connect together whatever meanings these terms may have), nor do they give us any evidence that the terms do refer to anything real.

 

 If we wish to accept the axioms as true we must supply that understanding and that evidence for ourselves. Underlying the use of these terms in the axioms are the tacit assumptions that “zero” does refer to some one definite entity among those under discussion, and that for each entity among those under discussion there is just one entity among them that is its immediate successor.

 

It fol­lows from the axioms that the immediate successor of zero, its immediate successor, and so on and on, all are natural num­bers; and (by the fifth axiom) that nothing else is a natural number. From the axioms it follows that there must be infini­tely many natural numbers, since the series cannot stop, nor can it circle back to its starting point (because zero is not the immediate successor of any natural number).

 

The fifth axiom is especially important, for it expresses the assumption which underlies mathematical induction. We can picture how reasoning by mathematical induction works if we imagine a series of dominoes standing in a row. Suppose we know that the first domino will fall and that whenever any domino falls the adjoining one also will fall; then we are entitled to infer that all the dominoes will fall; no matter how many there may be.

 

In the same spirit, if we know that something holds true of zero and that whenever it holds true of a natural number it also holds true of the immediate succes­sor of that natural number, then we can infer that it holds true of every natural number. On the basis of Peano's axioms, we can introduce the names of further numbers: “one” by definition names the immediate successor of zero, “two” by definition names the immediate successor of one, and so on.

 

Peano’s axioms express in a very clear way the essential principles about the natural numbers. However, they do not by themselves constitute a sufficient basis to permit the reductions of other higher kinds of numbers – assuming, that is, that we continue to restrict ourselves to the same compara­tively low-level logical principles that are employed for deducing theorems in geometry. There are two reasons for this.

 

For one thing, Peano’s axioms, do not by themselves provide us even with a complete theory of the natural numbers. If we limit ourselves just to Peano's three primitive terms and to his five axioms, it is impossible for us (using only normal low-level logical principles) to define addition and multiplication in their general sense for these numbers.

 

So we could not even express within the system, let alone prove within it, such laws as that the sum of natural numbers x and y always is the same number as the sum of y and x, or that x times the sum of y and z always is the same number as the sum of x times y and x times z. We do not even worry about subtraction and division, since these are not operations freely performable on the natural numbers.

 

Furthermore, in order to carry out this reduction of higher kinds of number we need to employ two other very important terms, “set” and “ordered pair”, which Peano of course did not include among his primitives.

 

Notes

1. while geometry was being handed down – в то время как геометрия дошла

2. the mathematics of number was passed along – математика числа пришла к нам в виде

3. this uneasiness was gradually soothed – это неудобство по­степенно сгладилось

4. philosophical puzzlement... was much reduced – философские сомнения... были в основном разрешены

5. the immediate successor – непосредственный последующий элемент

THE FACULTY OF BIOLOGY

What Is a Mutation?

The body is like a Chinese puzzle1 box. It consists of organs, such as liver, legs, eyes. The organs consist of tissues, such as bone, muscle, nerve. The tissues consist of cells. The cell contains a nucleus. The nucleus contains chromosomes. The chromosomes carry the genes. Mutations are changes in chromosomes and genes.

 

The cell and the nucleus can be seen under the microscope, but the chromosomes cannot always be seen. They become visible only at certain stages in the life of the cell, namely2, when the cell divides to give two daughter cells. They then appear as rod-like or dot-like structures which, in thin tissue slices (слой, срез), can be stained with certain dyes which they take up more readily than the rest of the cell. The genes are too small to be seen even with a high-power microscope. The genes are arranged linearly along the chromosomes. Some particularly big chromosomes show a visible subdivision into smaller units, so that they look like strings of beads, or like ribbons with a pattern of cross-bands? These beads and bands are much too big to be the genes themselves, but they indicate the position of the genes on the chromosomes.

 

The number of chromosomes in the nucleus is characteristic for each species. Man has 46, the mouse (мышь) 40, the broad bean plant (боб) 12, maize (кукуруза) 20. Each chromosome carries hundreds of thousands of genes. It has been estimated4 that the chromosomes in a human cell carry at least 40,000 genes, possibly twice as many. This seems a large number, but it is not so large when we consider that the genes between them are responsible for all that is inborn and inherited in us. Genes determine whether we belong to blood-group A or О, whether we are born with normal vision or not, whether we have brown, blue or hazel eyes, whether on a rich diet we grow fat5 or remain slim (стройный), whether musical education makes virtuosi of us or we are unable to distinguish one tune (мелодия) from another, and so on through the thousands of details which together make up our physical and mental personalities.

 

Every time, before a cell divides, each chromosome makes another chromosome just like itself with the same genes in the same order. Then, when two cells arise from one, the old chromosomes separate from their new-formed duplicates and both "daughter cells" receive exactly the same numbers and types of chromosomes and genes.

 

The human body develops from a single cell, the fertilized egg, which contains 46 chromosomes. The egg divides to form two cells; these divide again to form four cells, and so it goes on until the whole body with its billions of cells has been formed. Before every cell di­vision, chromosomes and genes are duplicated. Every cell therefore contains the same 46 chromosomes carrying the same genes.

 

The process by which chromosomes and genes are duplicated is remarkably accurate. It results in millions and billions of cells with exactly the same genes. But sometimes, perhaps once in a million times, something goes wrong6. A gene undergoes a chemical change, or the new gene is not exactly like the old one, or the order of the genes in the chromosome has been changed. This process of change in a gene or chromosome is called a mutation. Its result, the altered gene or chromosome, is also often called mutation, but to avoid confusion7 it is better to speak of a mutated gene and a re-arranged chromosome, and reserve the term mutation for the process which produced them. The individual, which shows the effect of a mutated gene or re-arranged chromosome, is called a mutant.

 

When a chromosome on which a mutation has occurred makes a duplicate of itself in preparation for the next cell division, it copies the mutated gene or the new gene arrangement as accurately as it copies the unaltered portions. In this way a mutation is inherited and becomes perpetuated9 exactly like the original gene from which it arose. The enormous variety of genes which are found in every living species results from mutations, many of which may have occurred millions of years ago.

 

Notes

1. Chinese puzzle – неразрешимая загадка

2. namely – а именно

3. ribbons with a pattern of cross-bands – ленты с поперечными полосами

4. estimate – подсчитывать

5. grow fat – толстеть, полнеть

6. go wrong – разладиться, испортиться

7. to avoid confusion – чтобы избежать путаницы

8. perpetuate – сохранять навсегда, увековечивать

 



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